6.1 National vocational training centres (NVTC's)
6.2 Folk development colleges (FDC's)
6.3 Post primary technical centres (PPTC's)
6.4 Denominational vocational training centres
6.5 Private vocational training centres
In chapter 3 an overview of the various types of training provision was presented and a precis of the characteristics of provision was provided. This chapter considers each individual type of formal provision, NVTC, Church VTC, FDC, PPTC and Private as a series of case studies.
The study is based on visits to 45 providers in fifteen of the twenty-one regions. The principal reason for not extending the study to any of the other regions, was simply that data collected in the early part of the study indicated that there were no training institutions which catered for mechanical or electrical trades in these areas.
However the sample is in many ways comprehensive, i.e. visits were made to all seven NVTC's that provide training in motor vehicle, truck, or diesel mechanics, agromechanics, electrical installation, electronics, fitter mechanics and welding and fabrication. Similarly only 5 of the 52 FDC's provided training in metal trades and these were visited. The sample included 11 PPTC's and the selection was based on the available MEC data, while information about church organisations was derived from the CCT. To further enhance the data collected the views of REO's and DEO's were sought.
6.1.4 Curriculum and pedagogy
6.1.5 Links with employers
6.1.6 Self-reliant activities
6.1.9 Conclusions and issues
In Tanzania,moves to unify formal sector training began in 1968 with the introduction of 'The National Vocational Training Programme' (NVTP) with assistance from UNDP/ILO. The programme represented a concerted effort, to establish a vocational training centre in Dar es Salaam, with in-plant training programmes and an improvement in trade testing. However, it was not until 1972 that Parliament passed the first Training Act which defined the nature and structure of vocational training for the formal sector. The legislation enabled the creation of The National Vocational Training Council (NVTC), with a mandate to co-ordinate vocational training programmes throughout the country. One of NVTC's principal objectives, 'to protect one craft against interlopers from another craft - e.g. carpenters may have attempted to carry out the work of painters'. This Act was followed two years later by a second Vocational Training Act 1974 (Act number 28) that aimed to ensure that enough workers with the requisite skills were available in the right place, at the right time, to efficiently perform the jobs needed to be done and to provide better opportunities for individuals to develop their skills and use their abilities to the full.
In support of these aims the National Vocational Training Division (NVTD) was established within the Ministry of Labour and Manpower Development. NVTD operates as an executive body, advising Ministers on matters of policy and exercising control over; basic vocational training and in-plant and apprenticeship programmes, trade testing (including evening upgrading courses), the inspection and registration of vocational institutions, instructor training and finally, curriculum development and the approval of training syllabi used by registered training institutions. It is worth noting that in political terms training institutions 'affiliated' to NVTD are considered to be biased towards preparing students for formal sector employment.
To facilitate the perceived increases in formal sector manpower, the government has relied on the international donor community to provide financial and technical assistance, For example in 1977 the Swiss began working with the Chang'ombe Vocational Training Centre in Dar es Salaam. Similarly DANIDA and SIDA currently the principal donors, began providing assistance around this time. In addition both the World Bank (IBRD) and UNDP have contributed funds to equip training centres, while in 1974, CIDA introduced 'Saturday-Training' an instructor programme the precursor to the Morogoro Vocational Teachers Training College (MVTTC), funded by SIDA and the IBRD. In terms of providing financial assistance Lauglo (1990) states that during the mid-to-late 1980's, international donors contributed on average 75% of all capital expenditure and 29% of recurrent expenditure. In contrast the government's contribution in addition to providing some of the recurrent funding has largely consisted of providing land and the requisitioning of property suitable for building or, converting into training centres.
Government concerns that donor support may be reduced or even withdrawn have permeated URT - donor discussions over the years. The reliance the government has historically placed on the international community can best be quantified in the following abstract from a URT report that noted that donor support, 'should be available on a continuing basis as a means of not only supporting the importation of basic training equipment but also in meeting the foreign exchange component for the importation of spare parts' (URT 1987). Times change, as does economic philanthropy and by the early 1990's international donors began to redefine their priorities. 'Drip-feed' economics began to be replaced by initiatives designed to encourage greater self-reliance. In responding to these concerns, the government intends to generate the revenue necessary to maintain the national vocational training programme by legislation. The Vocational Training Act 1994 imposed a vocational and training levy of '2% of the total gross monthly emoluments' on all employers with four of more employees, that was introduced in January 1995.
The registration and collection of the levy is not proving to be an easy task despite a major publicity campaign, for according to a VETA Official (interviewed in December 1995), after first nine-months (January-September), only about 2,500 of the expected 10,000 companies were registered. The difficulties appear to be threefold; interpreting the legislation, inter-agency communication and finally, logistical.
A number of complex legal wrangles exist over who should contribute to the levy, the Act exempts some organisations on the grounds of being non-profit-making, i.e. educational establishments, religious organisations, or those who receive their funds from central government or donors. However, some of these organisations do make a profit, e.g. the YMCA and other similar hostels and this is indicative of the type of problems still to be resolved.
By far the major problem is the lack of effective communication between the various government agencies, as in addition to VETA two other agencies are involved, the National Provident Fund (NPF) who have been instructed to contact and register companies and the Parastatal Provident Fund (PPF). The NPF operates as the central agency for the collection of tax through a pay-as-you-earn (PAYE) system. However, in the case of parastatals it is the PPF who has traditionally acted as the taxation agency. In practice this means that information about parastatals (including those in the process of privatisation) has to be relayed through VETA to the NPF for actioning. Adding to this confusion many parastatals are effectively bankrupt and unable to contribute to the levy.
The final reason given for the low number of businesses registered is logistical. The NPF in its role of tax collector has about 15,000 businesses registered. Unfortunately due to the nature of the legislation, (i.e. exemptions and the difficulties noted earlier) it is not a simple matter of transferring the existing data and adding the relevant PPF files. The authorities consider the levy register to be a new data base and has instructed inspectors to collect the necessary information, by visiting employers. Here lies the problem, for according to the VETA Officer, the NPF has neither the capacity of manpower, nor the transport to effectively and efficiently carry out the task.
In addition to the funds provided by the government, some centres receive addition funds from a number of international donors, while a percentage of the budget is derived from self-reliant activities. In addition students are charged fees ranging from 15,000 to 60,000 T/sh per annum. However, a lack of funds is still considered to be the principal constraint within the system.
The fabric of the majority of the centres visited was very good, while some were in need of, or were under refurbishment. The amenities again reflected the prosperity of the centre, for where donor support was strong, the facilities were very good. These centres had well equipped classrooms, laboratories, workshops, libraries and other facilities, while those less financially endowed operated with more basic amenities, 'there is no library and hardly any books... and the few copies are in English which are too hard for students to undertake, or for the teachers to translate', or plant and other equipment lay idle due to a lack of maintenance and spare parts, 'there is various equipment, live engines - 3 diesel and working, while the 4th is dead, there are 3 petrol engines, but only one is in working order'. Teaching aids (models, diagrams etc) were in evidence and used in all of the centres visited.
The centres operate a policy of equality of opportunity and encourage girls by operating a quota system. The minimum entry requirement is Std VII although increasing numbers of Form IV leavers are applying. Entry is based on a common entrance examination set and marked by NVTD followed by an interview, 'since there are too many applicants there is an interview and a selection test from headquarters'. Sometimes prospective students are selected by REO's based on Std VII results, this method of selection represents about 60% of the intake the remainder is divided between private applications and formal sector employees.
Almost every centre indicated that girls were most attracted towards electrical trades and that their performance matched, or bettered their male peers. However, enrolment rates within centres was only 20 to 30%, yet aptitude tests indicate that, 'the students performance show that they are not very different. Girls are being encouraged to opt for traditionally male dominated trades such as, machine fitting, motor vehicles etc. In Dodoma the centre provides a special Guidance and Counselling Officer to assist girls in selecting the most suitable course.
Estimates of the drop-out rates for students ranged from less than 3% to under 7% per annum. The reasons given for drop-out were, parental pressure (hardship, social problems etc), inappropriate behaviour, poor academic performance or attendance. Pregnancy was not considered to be a problem.
NVTD training is based on a four-year model: the first year in a vocational training centre is followed by three years of apprenticeship training within the industry, although for a small number of trades the initial centre based training is increased by two years with a subsequent change in the length of apprenticeship training. The objective is for trainees to pass the Grade III Trade Test after one year of basic and one year of in-plant training, the Grade II after two years in-pant training and finally the Grade I after three years in-plant training.
The curriculum is comprised of; practical-theory calculation, technical drawings, science, English, Kiswahili and Civics (due to the adoption of a multi-party political system) rather than Political Education. The recommended timetable allocates 60% of time to practical trade training and 40% to theoretical studies. However, every subject is not afforded equal weighting, for the emphasis is placed on trade theory, calculations, science and technical drawing. The current syllabi excludes any provision for training in entrepreneurial skills. Although, a senior NVTD administrator thought that some training institutions recognising the importance of the informal sector, 'also equipped (their students) with some management skills although not explicitly stipulated in the curriculum' and stressed that one of the outcomes of the 1994 legislation, 'would be to include management training... introducing some business skills in the programme for example accounting, book-keeping etc' as part of a more broad-based curriculum.
The first year centre based instruction is divided into two terms. First Term This is a 20 week period, in which the trainees deal with practical work, theory-teaching, general subjects, job-orientation, career guidance and maintenance culture. Second Term During the second term the trainees are taught general subjects which are trade-related, including Engineering Science, Calculations and Technical Drawing.
The qualifications of instructors ranged from Trade Test Grade I to Graduate level and a number of staff had attended the MVTTC for specialist instructors training. Although there were women teachers/instructors at the centres, none were involved in teaching the trades which were the focus of the study.
A number of classroom observations were made and the quality of teaching was judged to range from very good to poor. A good classroom performance was not in any way dependent on attendance at the Morogoro college, as the most competent practitioner had no formal training, while the worst example observed was fully qualified.
A general observation was that instructors tended to follow a prescribed text without recourse to other pedagogy and this resulted in a contrived lesson which was often inappropriate, e.g. an instructor took 40 minutes to explain the difference between a single cut and a double cut file. This activity was out of context and would have been more effective as a demonstration in a workshop. However skills work in the workshop tended to be well managed, with self motivated students mostly on task. The most disconcerting aspect of the practical activities witnessed, was that students had little opportunity for creativity, as many of the tasks merely involved the acquisition of core skills. The exception to this was in vehicle mechanics, where students were involved in problem solving, a requisite skill.
There is little opportunity for students to gain experience of the culture of the workplace they will be joining on the completion of their studies, as no provision is made in the programme of study for work experience.
Very few of the centres which were visited had established any links with employers or local industries, motor vehicle mechanics appeared to have the most opportunities to establish contact with both formal and informal sector garages.
Agriculture figures prominently in the SR activities of many of the centres visited. Some have attempted 'production centres', but the quality of the products manufactured by the students is generally low and therefore little income is generated. One donor has actually discouraged self reliance, 'the centre has no activities for self reliance... the donors categorically refused... they feel that if allowed the teachers and students would be more absorbed in the income generating activities, at the expense of the academic work'.
More enterprising attempts to raise funds include, letting centre facilities to employers to conduct in service training, running short courses for local farmers and artisans and encouraging people from the locale to bring items in for repair.
Throughout the programme the students are continuously assessed on performance in practical skills and in theory and in a summative examination for the Trade Tests. The success rate of students examined for Trade Test III varied considerably between institutions and courses. Failure is normally attributed to poor performance in the theory paper. 'There are trainees who go through the course but in the end fail to get the minimum requirements for a certificate. A trainee might get 'A's in all the subjects but if he gets an 'E' in the practicals or trade theory he does not get a certificate. An overall average of a 'D' without an 'E' in the two subjects named above allows for a certificate and this shows that the general averaging system doesn't apply in this case.'
In the past there were plenty of jobs in formal sector industries, and employers used to visit the institutions, conduct interviews and employ the successful candidates. However, as industrial capacity declines, the institution has come under pressure to review its policy and focus on courses that will lead to self employment. One institution successfully placed 73% of its graduates in 1991, by 1994 this number had reduced to 17%, while another centre reported a similar trend, 56% to 12% in the same period. Many Principals reported that increasing numbers were absorbed in the informal sector though not necessarily working in the trade for which they were trained. This development is creating concern among Principals about the long term effects on student morale.
According to a senior officer at NVTD, the authorities are aware of this problem and he reported that a number of measures had been attempted to alleviate youth employment difficulties. For example, 'there have been instances where graduates in the centres have organised themselves into groups and gone back to the centres for help, e.g. in getting land, loans, etc. Most of them have been assisted, although some difficulties have been experienced with carpenters and masons who want to be given contracts and not jobs (wage labour) since they find the former more profitable'.
These institutions are aligned to the needs of the formal sector and are relatively well equipped and fulfil their role of supplying suitably trained labour. However in the changed economic situation, the students are experiencing severe difficulties in gaining employment and their training and expectations are not always suited for the informal sector.
Principals are aware of these problems and realise that there is a need to adapt or realign the curriculum to assist the students gain employment/self employment in the informal sector. Only one Principal however was planning to introduce, 'entrepreneurial business skills, to enable graduates to employ themselves rather than being trained for the formal sector'.
6.2.4 Curriculum and pedagogy
6.2.5 Links with employers
6.2.6 Self-reliant activities
6.2.9 Conclusions and issues
The Folk Development Colleges were introduced by the government as institutions for training rural people for useful service to their communities, to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of productive labour and in so doing improve the quality of life for all. Government policy was to establish an FDC in each district between 1975 and 1980 with the co-operation of the Swedish Government through the Swedish International Development Authority (SIDA).
The origins of FDCs can be traced back to adult education programmes which were introduced in the five years after independence based on the Swedish Folk High School model. The first three-year Development Plan (1961/62 to 1963/64) heralded the introduction of Farmers Training Centres (FTCs) which were administered by the Ministry of Agriculture to provide short courses of between one and three weeks to introduce farmers to new developments in agricultural practice. In 1965 District Training Centres (DTCs) were introduced to, 'improve the training of teachers in literacy programmes and community leaders for self-help projects and women's groups' (Unsicker 1987). The DTCs were administered by the Community Development Division of the Ministry of Rural Development and Regional Administration. As both the FTCs and DTCs were established to fulfil the similar roles, i.e. to act as change agents, responsive to the needs and perceived problems of the communities which they served, in 1968 they were combined and renamed Rural Training Centres (RTCs), later to be designated Folk Development Colleges (FDC's) and placed under the control of the Ministry of National Education in 1975. According to Mosha (1991), the FDCs constituted the third stage of adult education in Tanzania, by providing institutions which incorporated both literacy skills and vocational skills. The preceding stages saw the eradication of adult illiteracy programmes and the consolidation of functional literacy programmes.
In 1982 the Presidential Commission on Education recommended that, 'FDCs should at the moment continue to be under the Ministry of Education, but in conjunction with the Ministry in charge with Regional Development ways and means should be sought to put the FDCs under either town/city or district councils'. As a consequence in July 1990 responsibility for the FDCs was transferred to the Ministry of Local Government, Community Development, Co-operatives and Marketing, later that same year coming under the direction of the Ministry of Community Development, Woman's Affairs and Children.
The 1992 study revealed that syllabi were available for the following nine subjects; Agriculture and Livestock Development, Carpentry, Motor Mechanics, Culture, Domestic Science/Home Economics, Accountancy/Book-keeping, Economics, Political Education and Mathematics. Each had been produced by groups of individuals selected and funded by the Ministry of Education and were developed by in 1988 with the exception of Mathematics, which was introduced in 1989. The centrally orientated nature of curriculum design prevents any significant autonomy for FDCs to adapt to the needs of their communities. However, official figures indicate that just under 130,000 people had received training at FDCs of which 63.5% (about 82,500) were male and 36.5% (47,400) female and that 75% of FDC graduates return to their villages after training of which 71% utilise the knowledge and skills acquired.
In recent years some FDCs have introduce courses that led to students gaining NVTD Trade Tests grade III in carpentry, sewing and masonry etc, which traditionally have been associated with wage employment, rather than for self-employment and this has led to criticism from many quarters (lLO/Labour 1988).
Principals of the centres visited acknowledged the assistance of SIDA in the training of instructors and with the refurbishment of the buildings. However, there was general concern about the low level of financial support given by the government, which had resulted in centres having to introduce training fees. Through the recently introduced policy of cost-sharing, centres are now forced to charge trainees, on average 25,000 T/sh per year, but this was not thought to affect enrolment as it is less than half of the fee charged by VTC's.
With the exception of Kibaha which had very good facilities and amenities, the others suffered from a lack of planned preventative maintenance that determined the types of courses that centres could run, 'more students choose carpentry and masonry because they have facilities' commented one principal. In addition a shortage of specialist teachers also influenced the promotion of courses. It is worth noting that the centres visited were selected on the basis of offering mechanical and electrical trades training, yet when visited many had no suitable facilities, specialist teachers or both. One centre that did run a course was forced to secure practical training with local artisans when the teacher left. This was not without its problems, as a lack of transport prevented staff from monitoring activities 'so no one goes to follow up... the trainees do whatever the fundi (welder) gets contracted by customers'. The implication for the centres is that they remain supply-side orientated rather than demand driven institutions.
The system for selecting students is convoluted involving a number of Regional and District Officers touring the villages selecting sufficient students to match the college quota (defined by the Principal). Although there is no equal opportunities policy, all the centres allocate a specific number of places to girls. 'There is a deliberate effort to convince the men to take female oriented courses and the vice versa'. In order to increase the opportunities for the girls to study, some of the centres offer out-reach courses. However, one centre said they experienced difficulties in attracting female students. All the centres enrolled more males than females, the ratios ranging from all male to 2:1. However, comments such as 'girls do not have the interest and so do not do well' suggest that while centres operated a quota policy, some people considered that efforts and resources were mis-directed. The main criteria for enrolment is that students must be Std VII leavers. Some of the colleges operate boarding facilities, while others have a mix of day students and boarders. One Principal supported the boarding system, as it ensured high attendance.
Only two institutions provided information about drop-out rates which were both about 10% per annum. The reasons given were pregnancy and lack of motivation,
Most of the centres were beginning to use the recently devised syllabi produced in conjunction with MVTTC. This enables them to prepare their students for national trade tests, but some courses still employed the old syllabi.
The programmes of study are divided into 40% theory, 60% practical, but no lessons were observed. The instruction is provided by teachers with a wide range of qualifications from graduate, to certificate level. The number of women teachers employed by each centre varied. The provision of classroom resource materials varies from institution to institution. At Kibaha for example, they have portable teaching aids and illustration sheets which can be taken into the classroom. If the teacher wants to teach about the ignition system for example, he can interfere with the firing order of the engine, and then ask the student to find and define the fault and rectify it. This is unfortunately the exception, the others are less well equipped.
In some centres there is an awareness of the need for relevance in teaching and an acknowledgement that in practical activities scenarios must reflect real life situations as students, do not normally have the opportunity for an industrial placement, 'to compensate, the teachers collaborate to plan the practicals in such a way, that it gives the students a clear picture of their future jobs'.
Only one of the centres had established links with employers, a garage where students gain practical experience. The students attend from 8 to 10 am and are supervised jointly by their teachers and the artisans. The number of visits depends on the length of the topic and the garage are paid for their time. Other principals recognise the value of links but for logistical reasons, this is not possible, 'much as the institution would like the trainees to get industrial experience, we have no ability to transport them ' lamented one respondent.
However, each of the centres was involved in a range of community based activities that promoted the ethos of the FDC movement. One centre claimed to have developed close ties with local primary schools, e.g. Boko but did not elucidate on this and also to assist the women in the neighbouring villages, to maintain milling machines and other income-generating activities.
Trainers and trainees from one college go into the villages to do practicals and to help the villagers gain knowledge and was seen as an attempt to create job opportunities for students when they graduate.
Another dimension of FDC activities has been to provide short courses for the ILO funded Rural Youth and Training Groups. The courses range from leadership, literacy, loans management, technical skills, to business skills etc.
Each centre promotes its own activities based on the resources and facilities available, although agriculture was common to all, while two specifically sell carpentry products manufactured by the students.
The courses range from 6 months to 2 years depending on the type of programme. Centres generally operate a dual system of assessment, i.e. continuous assessment during the programme and a summative one that may also involve students taking an NVTD trade test. For short courses students receive a certificate of attendance that does not relay academic achievement, while students who have completed longer courses may gain both a certificate of attendance that includes an academic record and the trade certificate. However, as one Principal remarked, 'FDC certificates of attendance are not recognised by the formal labour market, because the aim is to train them so as to be self-employed, especially in the rural sector'.
The general consensus of Principals was (to quote one respondent) that 'most graduates retire to their respective villages and share their experience with villagers' and only a few 'flock to towns'. They consider that the system is so organised that students selected for training are gainfully employed when they return to the village. However, due to the problems of accurate data collection, (as few records were kept by the Colleges) it was impossible to verify the actual destination of graduates, i.e. how many returned to the village and settled, compared to those who appeared to return, but later migrated to the town.
The success of individual FDC's appears to depend heavily on the degree of donor support. Two of the five visited were well provided for and this was reflected in the resources and provision available. Conversely, the other two centres were struggling to maintain a presence. This was reflected in the range of courses, centres were able to provide. However, some had been enterprising, either through careful planning or necessity and involved artisans within the locale in the training process.
The impression gained from the visits was that centres attempted to involve students in activities which reflected the marketplace. The range of activities was diverse and reflected the nature of the institutions. However absent from their training was instruction in design, bookkeeping, estimating, or marketing, the skills essential for self-employment in the informal sector.
The reasons for drop-out were similar to those experienced by other providers. Female participation in some of the centres was high but frequently participation was concentrated in gender stereotyped trades, although most Principals agreed that the numbers opting for male orientated trades, was increasing, 'slowly'. However, as no follow up was made of graduates it is impossible to comment on whether female artisans gained employment.
Principals considered that the introduction of Trade Tests, traditionally the key to blue-collar formal sector employment had not fuelled urban migration, but strengthened the level of skill in rural areas. If this is the case then the FDC's are partially fulfilling the role for which they were introduced. The problem is that changes in the system of funding, coupled with the gradual withdrawal of donor support could undermine this limited success.
6.3.4 Curriculum and pedagogy
6.3.5 Links with employers
6.3.6 Self-reliant activities
6.3.9 Conclusions and issues
Post Primary Technical Centres (PPTCs) were conceived by CCM as one of a number of measures devised to combat the increasing rural migration of young people to urban centres. The initiative was introduced in 1973 with the aim of providing Primary School leavers with the skills and attitudes necessary for employment/self-employment in their locale. The PPTC programme was very ambitious, for the policy makers envisaged the establishment of four centres in each district, (a grand total of approximately 400 centres), each providing a two-year programme of instruction in four trades: Domestic Science, Carpentry, Masonry and Tinsmithy. Classes of 25 were expected and institutions would cater for a total population of approximately 200 students.
Within three years 278 centres had been established, funded by both DANIDA and the Ministry of Education (MEC). PPTC's however reached a zenith in terms of the number of centres in 1987 when 316 were formally registered but only 284 were still providing some form of training. However within five years of there inception there was a growing realisation that the PPTC's were not achieving their intended goals. The aspirations of the policy makers were never realised, for the policy was fundamentally flawed for the following reasons, the high recurrent cost of resourcing the centres, a lack of suitably trained teachers/instructors and inappropriate training programmes, all of which contributed to a lack of credibility among the local population and in particular the young people for whom the centres were devised.
The principal reason cited for the lack of credibility was the, 'syllabi do not cover the skills essential for self employment nor do they actually prepare students for self-employment.' (CCT 1977), comments that were reflected in an ICD report published in 1983 stating, 'only 4 out of 19 regions covered had over 25-30% enrolment'.
Strategies to alleviate the malaise which has dogged the PPTC's since there introduction, have been the subject of numerous studies and reports by the Tanzanian government, (MEC and ICD) both independently and in conjunction with international donors (DANIDA, SIDA and GTZ). All have reiterated the causes, which are, a system lacking in direction and funding, but little or no progress appears to have been achieved, to alleviate the plight of the PPTC's. In terms of direction, investigators point to a fundamental flaw in the original policy, a lack of research into rural needs prior to the establishment of the centres which resulted in the arbitrary training of young men and women for occupations for which there may be little or no local market. One of the first multi-agency reports that specifically addressed the plight of the PPTC's considered there was an, 'urgent need for reorientation... a comprehensive study... with full peoples' involvement' as to the requirements, 'the objectives, curricula and equipment for running courses... as well as the economic aspects of Post-Primary Transformation Training' (URT, DANIDA, SIDA, GTZ 1978).
In the fight to maintain the viability of PPTC's and by implication to sustain the courses they offer, one of the centres visited expected parents to purchase the tools and equipment necessary to enable their children to undertake some practical activities. In return, the products manufactured (in metalwork for example, cooking stoves, funnels and jugs) are deemed the property of the parents, who can offer them for sale. Parental funding of PPTC activities represents a pragmatic method of enabling pupils to gain the practical experience they will need if they are to practice their trade in the marketplace. For although Municipal Councils are legally responsible for funding PPTC's, the reality is that, the under-funded local authorities are unable to provide the money to cover even the recurrent costs, let alone for books and resource materials to enhance the quality of teaching.
In all but 3 of the 11 centres visited, the fabric of the building was in a state of severe disrepair, and in those centres with an electrical supply, there was an alarming disregard for electrical safety. The fabric of the buildings, furniture and equipment, tools and teaching resources were totally inadequate and in need of refurbishment, or in some cases non existent. In the majority of centres DANIDA and SIDA had supplied tools and equipment in the early-mid 1970's. However, since that initial pump-priming donation, many Headteachers and teachers said they had not received any new equipment. In addition many schools were unable to make effective use of the machines as they were not connected to the electricity supply. As a consequence, many electrical machines were either stored, stripped of vital parts or simply stolen.
Although all were striving to achieve the same goals, significant differences were found in the problems encountered by rural and urban centres in the battle to recruit. PPTC's were originally introduced to combat growing youth migration, yet Regional and District Education Officers (REO's and DEO's) and Headteachers in rural areas expressed their profound difficulty in eliciting support from the villages and as a consequence encouraging young people to enrol. There was a general consensus among teachers and EO's that many of the students who enrolled only did so as a last resort and were not the most academically able. Most of those who opt to join PPTC's are failures and have no alternatives as they either come from poor families or, parents who have no value for education', was how one DEO profiled the students.
As there is no competition for places, all but two of the centres visited had adopted essentially an open-door policy of enrolment, the majority of students merely turn-up and sign on. The exception to this was that two centres maintained a policy of pre-testing students in Science, Mathematics and English. However, in terms of measurable statistics, (i.e. gender mix, drop-out rates and numbers of graduates) there appears to be no discernible differences between these and the other centres surveyed.
Enrolment and drop-out rates in all the centres was congruent to the national trend. Headteachers of all the centres acknowledged that enrolment was well below intended capacity and regardless of geographical location, sought to justify the reasons for their poor performance by reiterating and berating a lack of suitable resources or, the lure of the town as almost half of them abscond and try their luck somewhere else commented one Headteacher.
None of the centres visited had a formal policy relating to gender, Most simply stated that students were encouraged to select the course of training that most appealed to them. Two centres claimed that they provided pre-placement guidance and counselling for parents and prospective students. This was aimed, to help parents in advising their children, hut not to force them to take courses they are not interested in'. Only in two trades Domestic Science and Masonry was there evidence to suggest that a student's gender significantly influenced their choice of course. 'Girls are usually interested in domestic science courses rather than in metal works etc'. The Carpentry and Tinsmithy courses were with one exception found to consist mainly of male students, although one teacher commented, once there was a girl for metalwork and she was quite capable, at times even doing better than the boys'. The exception was in an urban centre where the female - male student ratio was 2: 1 (10 & 5) in the first year and 1:1 (4 & 4) in the second year. The centre acknowledged that its geographical position was detrimental to its ability to attract and maintain a large cohort of male students. Conversely females were motivated to opt for the metalwork course because they can get jobs after completing the course', i.e. there is a perceived shortage of metalworkers in the area.
All the centres employed the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC) syllabi as the basis for developing programmes of study. The courses are of 2 years duration and although the vast majority the centres visited offered training in all four trades, Domestic Science, Carpentry, Masonry and Tinsmithy, many acknowledged that due to a lack of students they only ran courses in some of the trades. Such an ad hoc approach to enrolment had in some cases resulted in students being taught by teachers, unqualified in that particular trade.
Students were taught by teachers who in most instances had gained NVTD Trade Test Grade III or better and attended Teachers Training College, gaining certified teacher status. However, in a number of instances, REO's expressed concern that some of the blame for the poor performance of students should be attributed to the quality and level of training of the teacher-instructors. 'There are no Grade A teachers from Teacher-Technical Education Institutions. This makes the teaching of a poor quality'. This represents a very simplistic answer, for teacher effectiveness in his interpretation is solely derived from academic achievement.
Many teachers expressed concern that syllabi first issued in the mid 1970's, amended slightly in the late 70's were still being used. Headteachers, teachers, REO's and DEO's, in addition to their calls for the replacement/refurbishment of tools and equipment drew attention to the almost total neglect of resource materials. In those centres which had some text books, all were outdated and the texts did not necessarily correlate with the syllabus. Overall, no centre employed text books specifically written or recommended to support the syllabi. Some centres admitted that they sometimes used class seven books to support their PPTC teaching. Scenarios such as this led one REO to comment, 'PPTC's are essential but the Government has decided to give these a blind eye'. Little wonder that morale among the majority of teachers was very low.
There was common consent among teachers that the strategies they employed in teaching PPTC students was little different to those used to teach Std VII pupils. One Headteacher commented, 'students don't have any incentives as they don't get anything different from their fellow students in the ordinary primary schools beside the knowledge in their heads'. Teachers did not appear to acknowledge that there was a need to adopt differing styles/strategies, nor that this may also be a contributing factor in terms of low enrolment and high drop-out rates. In addition many of the teachers interviewed had taught for over ten years at the same institution, during which time they had received little or no inservice training to enhance or upgrade their pedagogical skills.
In only two of the centres, teachers had made positive efforts to encourage pupils by producing a range of examples, consisting of both in-progress and finished work for use as resource materials/teaching aids. Both centres were cited in urban areas.
Observations of practical classroom/workshop teaching was limited to four centres and involved both Carpentry (three lessons) and Tinsmithy (one lesson). In each case, the commitment shown by both the teachers and students was very commendable. In the Carpentry activities students were observed carrying out both 'core skills' development and the manufacture of a range of artefacts, while in Tinsmithy, students were learning the core skill of soldering two pieces of sheet metal together. Unfortunately in many of the other centres visited students were either absent (absconded), or idle due to a lack of suitable tools and materials.
The method almost universally adopted for core-skills was a process consisting of, talk -chalk-demonstration-practice. A similar process was employed in preparing students to manufacture artefacts, talk-chalk/drawings-practice.
In terms of relevance the activities of very few of the centres visited suggested that relevance was prominent in their programmes of study. In the two that did this, relevance was implied in the production of consumer goods.
None of the centres had links with local employers or the community in general.
This had been attempted by one centre but was deemed to have failed, as the products produced by the students were of a poor quality and therefore did not sell. Approaches to teachers to produce goods for sale was rejected.
At the end of the second year students take a series of tests consisting of both theoretical and practical components and to be awarded a certificate, students must pass both components. The theoretical papers are marked by teachers at the school, while the practical work is invigilated by external personnel. To facilitate the practical components of the test, some centres received assistance from the Municipal Council, who supplied both the tools (on a loan basis) and the necessary materials. This practice is not universal, and here lies the dilemma for centres, as one Headteacher confessed, 'students only sat the theoretical tests due to a lack of suitable tools and materials'. Centres, poorly resourced to train the students for the course are scarcely able to teach the programmes of study, nor give them the necessary practical experience to prepare them to take the test. In such circumstances, without external assistance to facilitate the development of practical capability prior to the test, the validity of the training is surely questionable.
One further aspect of contention is the value/credibility of the Interim Certificate of Basic Training awarded to graduates. Many of the PPTC teachers promote the notion among their pupils that this certificate is equivalent to the NVTD Trade Test Grade III. Yet written on the certificate is a disclaimer, 'is NOT equivalent to any trade test certificate'. Is this a case of teachers attempting to encourage and motivate their students or, merely misrepresentation. On a more positive note, many Municipal Councils have recently adopted a policy of presenting graduates with a kit of tools (for Carpentry a tape measure, saw and plane) and or, providing facilities to start-up informal enterprises, i.e. Nguvu kazi sites.
The vast majority of pupils/graduates expressed a preference for self-employment. Headteachers and teachers maintain that many of their graduates entered the marketplace as self-employed artisans. However, as no official records are kept on the destination of graduates, and no attempt is made to monitor their progress in subsequent years, these claims cannot be verified. There was an acknowledgement that, 'even students who study one course can find themselves doing something else after school just because that is the type of job which is available'.
The PPTC's shortly after their implementation (when the donor withdrew), have consistently failed to fulfil their purpose. In addition, conflicts and uncertainties about ownership and funding have resulted in a system that has bled to death. The fabric of all but a few of the centres is in need of refurbishment, practical work is largely non-existent and staff are demoralised. Based on the study sample there are only a few centres which could be said to be operating productively and they were sited in urban areas. The conclusion to be drawn is that this form of training provision should be halted and the amenities be given over to more productive activities.
6.4.4 Curriculum and pedagogy
6.4.5 Links with employers
6.4.6 Self-reliant activities
6.4.9 Conclusions and issues
This sample of VTC's is drawn from centres that are operated by the two denominations, Catholic and Lutheran.
The Dodoma Diocese Training Centre (Roman Catholic) began in 1976 with 6 students, but by 1980, the capacity had risen to 40, as a result of the Bishop gaining funds to better equip the centre. The students are all boys and they take only carpentry.
Leguruki Vocational Training School started in 1975 on the initiative of the Wameru people and shortly after became a development project of the Northern Diocese of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. In 1977 the centre gained assistance from the Netherlands Interchurch Coordination Committee for Development Projects (ICCO) and a year later (1978), was registered under the Vocational Training Act. The centre provides training for self-employment and promotes locally relevant technical development. The courses offered include carpentry, masonry, mechanics and a girls' development course, with specialisation in hand production (sewing, textiles, handicrafts), small scale catering and hotel-keeping.
The Same Diocese controls and administers both the Mwanga District and Same Institutions. In Mwanga the Diocese owns Chanjale Vocational School which started in 1991. The centre began as an Adult Education Institute, but later in recognition of the difficulties faced by PSL changed to become a VTC. The centre offers training in agriculture, tailoring, carpentry, masonry, motor vehicle mechanics and panel beating.
Don Bosco as a Church institution has no permanent benefactors and relies on funds from the church, although they receive additional contributions from Indians and Hindus living in Dar es Salaam, who donate funds and machines. Two of the centres were visited during the study.
The centres in addition to gaining support from the church, all derive additional income from charging a training fee that ranges from 10,000 to 28,000 T/sh per annum.
Every centre visited was well equipped and the fabric of the buildings in a good state of repair. In some of the centres workshops there were machines that would only be found in the formal sector, as the capital and recurrent costs are very high. All had electrical supplies and modern amenities.
The accommodation consisted of both classrooms and workshops and some had additional facilities such as libraries, recreation rooms and other sports facilities. Within the various areas there were a number of teaching aids.
Entry to Catholic centres is restricted to males only, although they do not have to be practising Catholics. Both males and females were able to apply for training at the Lutheran centres. However, one Principal considered that strong cultural expectations was the main reason why girls did not opt for metal trades, 'we have no policy toward gender... but according to the Pare traditions it is very rare (nadra sana) to finding a girl standing there building. Most of them are engaged in tailoring and Domestic science'. Local tradition (a pastoral ethos) was also thought to lie behind a more general reticence to enrol, 'in the early days, most Pares were not very much found of the vocational subjects, but now they are picking up' as the centre used to rely on trainees applying from outside the district.
The enrolment procedure used by the different centres varied, but the criteria were very similar, i.e. minimum entry Std VII leaver of good character. Some of the institutions advertised in the press, held selection tests and on the basis of the results offered places. Others included a social dimension in their qualifications for entry; 'one must be a financially poor boy from a large family, or an orphan and must be intellectually average and pass the interview'.
Drop-out rates were considered by Officers to be low, one considered less than 2%, most were more realistic and considered between 7 and 10%, was a more accurate figure. The reasons given were in some instance socially orientated, 'only a few do misbehave' and reflected the additional dimension to the training provided.
The centres visited offer either 2 or 3 year courses leading to NVTD Trade tests III and II in a range of trades. The language of instruction varies between centres some employ Kiswahili, others use English as the first language, but revert to Kiswahili when necessary.
The curriculum consists of a mix of theory and practical activities, with the emphasis on practical activities. The normal ratio being about 1½ to 2 hours per day of theory and the remainder (about 6 hours) devoted to skills based activities. In addition to the professional development of the students, these centres promoted the personal and social development of students through academic study, guidance and counselling and the provision of a wide range of extra-curricular activities.
The teachers' qualifications ranged from Trade Test grade I to degree level and all were male. Discussions with them indicated that they enjoyed the work and were very committed to the social/moral welfare of the students.
A number of practical activities were observed during visits and students were seen to be undertaking a variety of tasks with the minimum of supervision. The work varied depending on the activity and ranged from basic skills exercises to the production of artefacts, the repair of vehicles or the wiring of an installation. The general impression gained was that the work was progressing in a very conducive environment and the quality of the work produced was of a very high standard. No classroom observations were made.
In terms of the relevance of the activities carried out, the question must first be asked what is the destination of the students when they graduate? If the answer is the formal sector then the activities carried out in some of the centres are very relevant as the culture of the workplace is conducive to that sector. If the answer is the informal sector, then all of the activities in some centres would be deemed relevant, while of the remainder, only a few would be considered appropriate, as the culture within some trades areas is the very opposite of that found in the informal sector. The most relevant in terms of training, is motor vehicle mechanic, as a significant part of their training is carried out on vehicles brought in for service, or repair by local people.
Only Don Bosco in Dodoma has a formal arrangement that enables trainees to in-plant training and/or visits to industries during the training programme, this was with a major transport company the Dodoma Regional Transport Company (KAUDO). However, Officials from each of the centres visited said that they approached local companies in an attempt to assist trainees find employment.
Each of the centres operated a range of income generating activities with agriculture figuring most prominently, 'a very big sunflower farm, producing about 600 litres of oil per year, a milling machine, furniture factory, seesawing machine etc'. In addition producing items for the local diocese was found to be common. Another centre uses its trainee masons to construct local houses which they consider fulfils a number of roles, the activity providing practical experience, enables the trainees to be 'seen' by local people and employers and generates revenue for the centre.
Centres generally operate a dual system of assessment, i.e. continuous assessment during the programme and a summative one that involves students taking NVTD trade tests. At the end of their training only a relatively small number of students failed to achieve Trade Test certification (5% and 19%) and this was attributable to them failing the theory paper. However, one of the providers only awards certificates 'to students who pass the exams after completing the course and who have a good character'.
None of the centres provided careers guidance although some indicated that, 'from time to time, some officials from industries and companies who employ people do come and talk with them (the trainees)'. All the centres provided assistance in helping students gain employment and one church provides assistance to students who want to become self-employed, by providing the loan of equipment.
Visits to these centres revealed a diversity of provision both in terms of resources and courses, but each were united in a commonality of purpose that was both professionally and socially motivated. Some of the centres provide a very good training for students who aspire to enter the formal sector, while others focused on equipping students with the practical skills necessary to enter the informal sector. Regardless of centre no provision was made to provide the trainees with skills in design, book-keeping, estimating, or marketing.
6.5.4 Curriculum and pedagogy
6.5.5 Links with employers
6.5.6 Self-reliant activities
6.5.9 Conclusions and issues
Three of the providers visited during the study will be examined, each of them representing a different type of provision, the first a private training school that forms part of a larger training business. The second example is a registered provider, but production is the principle focus, and the final one is an NGO that is largely self-reliant. Other centres were visited, but these were similar to the VTC's operated by NVTD and the churches and therefore to comment on them would serve little or no value, but the three case studies selected reflect the diversity of provision that was found to exist.
The Tanzania Institute of Commerce and Industries started in 1973 as the East African and World Trading Company and was a branch of a Nairobi-based company. In the early days it was a driving school, later diversifying into engine mechanics, auto-electrical works and then electric installations.
Mdawi Vocational Centre began in 1986 and apprentices started by designing bread baking tins, feeder or water troughs for chickens, metal buckets, dustbins, charcoal ovens etc. but the centre has not recruited apprentices since 1990.
Vijana Engineering Society started in 1988 when one secondary school teacher at Uchira, and a number of friends joined an NGO called Topicaris that was run by an African and European, they subsequently acted as consultants and helped to establish Vijana Engineering Society as an NGO with co-operation from the Canadian University Students Organisation (CUSO). In 1992, the group received assistance from a consultant from CUSO and at the same time acquired the one-acre piece of land from the villagers near Kawawa Road in Moshi, where they are now based.
In each of the institutions visited apprentices paid a fee of between 15,000 and 25,000 T/sh. One of the officials considered part of the money was, 'to instil in them some sort of discipline because when someone gets something freely he cannot value it'. However, the same respondent continued that the trainees received a monthly wage of 3,000 T/sh that enabled the trainees to be independent and served as an incentive, as the trainees parents were farmers and they cannot afford the fee's and most parents prefer their children to work on the shamba.
The resources observed during visits to the three centres varied significantly. In the first case, the buildings were in a decrepit state of disrepair, but there was a few educational resource materials for teachers and pupils to use, but insufficient for the numbers of trainees enrolled. The owner later admitted that, 7 have 20 students in motor vehicle class, but I have only one vehicle and there are 40 trainees in the electrical class and I send them to a friend.' In the second centre, this was a production centre rather than a training centre and was very well equipped with a range of hand and power tools to enable production of a wide range of products. There was a chalk-board with notes and drawing in colour in a prominent position, suggesting that some theoretical activities were carried out. The third centre was very well equipped to train motor mechanics, there were shadow-boards of tools cleaned after use, trolley jacks etc,
The minimum level of qualification was Std VII and in the case of the private centre, students have to pass an entrance examination in English, Mathematics and Science. All three centres operated a policy of equal opportunities, although in each of the centres visited boys dominated. However, this was not due to a lack of ability, more a lack of applications by girls. 'There are few girls but their ability is equal to that of boys in many aspects. They are equally bright in theoretical work and in the practicals one cannot make any difference especially when they are dressed in the same manner (trousers) making them equally flexible' commented one official. While a female artisan considered that, 'the level of understanding between boys and girls is the same, but boys express more happiness and excitement on any success'.
Drop-out rates were considered to be 10 to 15% depending on the centre. One of the centres is in a remote rural area and this was thought to be the principle reason for leaving, as 'due to transport problems... students abscond... and the fare can be as high as 6,000 T/sh'. This was compounded by the students relying on the sale of their work for an allowance.
All three centres offered courses that were a minimum of one-year duration, in the case of two of the centres the time was largely immaterial as they were not preparing their trainees for trade test examinations. However, the NGO instructor stressed that, 'they designed their own syllabus but trying as much as possible to keep it within the framework of the national one', (i.e. NVTD). The exception was the private centre which operated a two term programme.
No formal training was observed in the private centre as the students were on leave, but practical work was observed in the other two. In both instances the trainees worked largely unsupervised although in the case of the vehicle mechanics, several were working on the same vehicle. This according to the instructor was to enable newer trainees to learn from the more experienced ones. In terms of observing a safe working environment, both groups appeared to consider where to place tools and observed a code of measured actions when working in close association with their peers.
The quality of the goods produced by the female artisans (the only two observed) was of a high standard and to cite a specific example, one was producing a metal suitcase and in the process of ensuring the lid fitted squarely she was observed to be utilising a 'thinking-and-doing' problem solving process, until the work was completed to her satisfaction.
In the case of the private institution, students are expected to work in industries to gain practical experience and learn about the culture of the workplace and 'return with reports, money and experience or knowledge' the owner quoted two formal sector garages who accept students. The other two centres did not have direct links with employers. On this matter it is worth noting the views of one Principal of a private VTC's not considered in this study, 'those who do not get any place (about 40%) stay back in the institution, but missing the industrial training does not affect their examination results... this is just a supplementary (nyongeza)... what is important is following the syllabus'. This succinctly describes the diploma disease culture that many of the informal sector operators despised, as this lack of practical experience prevented them from offering VTC journeymen (machinga) employment.
The private centre did not undertake any activities as finance was derived directly from student fees. However, both of the other centres depended to a large extent on income generation. The production centre was by implication market orientated, while the motor vehicle mechanics plied their trade by repairing and servicing vehicles either brought to the centre or in town.
The only centre to promote formal qualifications was the private centre who prepared trainees for the NVTD trade test grade III. During the programme of study 3 types of assessment were employed, progress sheets based on either course or homework, end of term examinations and final examinations, i.e. the trade tests. The owner considered that the failure rate was about 10 to 15% per year, depending on the calibre of the trainees. Most of these failed the theory paper, but they were allowed to re-sit and most of them passed. The artisans at the production unit said that originally they had been promised a certificate when they completed their training, but none had been provided.
Trainees from the private centre gained employment in both the formal and informal sectors, although the owner could/did not provide any examples. Comments from representatives of the other two centres was much more positive, each mentioned specific examples of artisans gaining employment in both sectors. None of the providers kept a formal record of the destination of trainees, or attempted any follow-up.
The quality of provision varied within the sample. In terms of training none of the providers diversified from a strict programme of craft skills. Estimating, marketing etc were not included in the training programmes. Negotiation was the domain of the owner or chief instructor. This poses the question, do they omit to teach these skills because they consider them to be unnecessary, or do the trainers have no knowledge of them?